Can the revolution outlive its leader?
by JON LEE ANDERSON
The New Yorker
Late one Friday afternoon in March, a crowd gathered for a rally in downtown Havana to denounce an incident that had occurred the previous evening in San Juan, Puerto Rico. During a game between Cuba and the Netherlands in the first international Baseball Classic, a spectator held up a sign to the television cameras which said “Abajo Fidelâ€â€”“Down with Fidelâ€â€”and shouted similar sentiments to the Cubans on the field. Among them was Antonio Castro, an orthopedic surgeon, who is the Cuban team’s doctor and one of Fidel Castro’s sons. A Cuban official angrily confronted the protester, whereupon Puerto Rican policemen detained him. He was released after receiving a lecture about freedom of speech. Cuba won, 11–2, but the following day, in a tone of high umbrage, Cuba’s official Communist Party newspaper, Granma, decried the “cynical counter-revolutionary provocations†of U.S. and Puerto Rican officials.
The rally was held, as are most such events in Havana these days, outside the U.S. Interests Section, a sleek seven-story building on a curving stretch of Havana’s seaside promenade, the Malecón. In the absence of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba, the Interests Section serves as the de-facto embassy. (The building is technically part of the Swiss Embassy.) Six years ago, during the custody battle over Elián González, the five-year-old boy who was rescued after his mother and others drowned while trying to reach Florida in a motorboat, Castro ordered the construction of a permanent protest forum on a traffic island in front of the Interests Section. Today, the Anti-Imperialist Tribunal, as it is known, consists of a raised stage studded with klieg lights atop a bunkerlike command center. A large banner bears a photomontage of men with guns, houses burning, people weeping, and the baleful verdict “You did this.â€
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